Wednesday, July 20, 2011

Senior Citizens at Work

Everybody knows someone who is still out of work because of the Great Recession. But you may not know many senior citizens who are. A blog entry by the economist Casey B. Milligan on The New York Times website points out that per capita employment of people ages 65 to 74 actually rose between 2007 and 2010, whereas in the population as a whole it fell by 7 percent. On the blog, you can see a nice chart illustrating this contrast, with one line for people ages 65 to 69, one line for people ages 70 to 74--both of these zigging and zagging a little, but ending up at a higher place--and another line for all ages, showing a steady downward slide. Mulligan notes that for those age 75+, the increase is even higher, but this is such a small group of workers that it is left off the chart.


I found this news fascinating because I recently finished working on the manuscript of 150 Best Jobs for a Secure Future, in which I look at career fields and occupations that have more security than most. I also look at the factors that contribute to job security and give suggestions for how you can make your job more secure.

One of the studies (PDF) that Mulligan cites to help explain this phenomenon, by economists at Boston College, looks at unemployment figures for young men and senior men over six past recessions and finds that older men used to have greater job security during slumps but this difference has been eroding. This makes it all the more noteworthy that older workers are bouncing back from unemployment so well. On the other hand, I want to point out that older workers still remain a little more secure, and this seems consistent with my finding, in the research for my book, that the more secure occupations tend to have greater-than-average concentrations of older workers. My own theory, which I have no way of proving, is that over the course of a career, workers in insecure jobs tend to lose them, whereas workers in secure jobs tend to be able to hold on, resulting in a gradual sifting of older workers out of insecure jobs and into secure jobs.

Another factor that may be in play, which was noted by some people who commented on the blog, was that older workers are likely to have better networks for finding jobs.

Mulligan explains the relatively high employment of elderly people by saying that they’re more willing to work. The Boston College study notes that older workers are less discouraged by the physical demands of work than previously because the economy now offers fewer physically demanding jobs. Now that more women are in the workforce, older men may be postponing retirement until their wives (who are, on average, three years younger) reach retirement age. Finally, those workers too young to get Medicare may be motivated to work because of the lack of post-retirement health-care benefits, which used to be a common benefit of employers but has diminished greatly over the past two decades, even as health-care costs have risen dramatically. Several of the people who commented on Mulligan’s article took up this argument, such as the elderly person who wrote, “I would not say that the elderly are ‘willing’ to work so much as they are forced to work.”

Others who left comments noted that the figures don’t indicate which workers are full-time and which are part-time. Many of these employed senior citizens may be holding part-time jobs to supplement retirement income. One wrote, “My spouse and I are senior citizens and we both work part time at two jobs. Employers would rather hire part-timers because they are less expensive. Young people have to find full-time work; empty nesters like us have fewer expenses and can just about make it on two (four all together) part-time jobs. We realize we are being exploited, but what can we do? We must supplement Social Security.”

Here’s the lesson I take away from this: The politicians who would cut back unemployment benefits and slash funding for workforce development want to believe that unemployed young people simply are not trying hard enough to find jobs. But I believe that’s a mistake. Unemployed young people tend to lack job-finding resources and, at the same time, they need jobs that they can build a life on. Their need for work is very different from the need for work experienced by senior citizens.

Wednesday, July 13, 2011

Career Inspiration

I recently returned from a trip to New Mexico, where I had occasion to visit several old mission churches. In their gift shops, I noticed several items related to saints, many of whom were identified as patron saints of various occupations. For example, St. Thomas the Apostle is the patron saint of architects; St. Lawrence of Rome is the patron saint of cooks (apparently because he was martyred by being roasted on a gridiron); St. Martha is the patron saint of dieticians. On one website I found an amazingly thorough listing with about 400 occupational entries.

For me, this saint-oriented way of looking at careers is something entirely new, but its implications are not all that different from the implications I wrote about last year in a blog that discussed the traditional Jewish way of classifying forms of work. (That blog appeared on a page that has since been taken down, but I have re-posted it on this site.) Both of these traditions are reminders that all work has the potential of being sacred.

This notion has attracted some interest from career development practitioners and in the general culture. At this month’s meeting of the National Career Development Association, I attended a roundtable presentation on applying logotherapy to career counseling. Although not an explicitly religious approach, logotherapy is based on the principle (developed by the psychiatrist Victor Frankl) that the fundamental human need is to find meaning in one’s life. Career choice, therefore, should be based on finding meaningful work. Another presentation, which I did not attend, was about finding “a sense of calling in our work life.” Still another was about “the implications spirituality poses for career counseling.”

JIST offers a book that is explicitly about applying spiritual insights to career decisions: The Christian's Career Journey, by Susan Britton Whitcomb. The larger issue of seeking a deeper purpose in life is the theme of the colossal best-seller The Purpose Driven Life, by Rick Warren. A less explicitly religious and more metaphorical treatment of this theme is the novel A Dog’s Purpose, by W. Bruce Cameron, which I would particularly recommend to anyone who loves dogs.

May you find purpose in your work and in your life.

Two Occupational Taxonomies

Note: This blog originally appeared in 2010 on another site, where it has since been taken down.

We humans love to classify things. Show us a diverse collection of objects or concepts--be they animals, cloud formations, rocks, literary works, beers, shoes, or personalities--and we’ll devise a taxonomy to classify them. This is certainly true of the world of work; several classification schemes are presently in use. Today’s blog is about one that has recently been revised and one that is over 1,500 years old (and still being used).

Federal law mandates that all occupational information be reported under the Standard Occupational Classification. Before the initial release of the SOC in 1980, the Census Bureau and the U.S. Employment Service used different taxonomies, and information could not readily be compared between the two without the use of crosswalk tables. This disconnect continued even after the release of the SOC, until the SOC was mandated as the one standard taxonomy.Because the world of work does not stand still, neither can the SOC taxonomy. As the U.S. economy changes and creates new occupations, the SOC needs to be revised regularly. Of course, revisions affect many departments in the government, so each time the SOC is revised, an interagency committee meets and deliberates over what should be added, removed, combined, split, or renamed. The 2010 release of SOC has recently been published, and I was curious to see what indications of our changing economy I could see in the revisions from the previous release.

Advances in technology are responsible for several new occupations in SOC 2010: Solar Photovoltaic Installers; Wind Turbine Service Technicians; Radio, Cellular, and Tower Equipment Installers and Repairers; Magnetic Resonance Imaging Technologists; and Genetic Counselors. Because health-care duties formerly handled by physicians are now being shifted to lower-cost workers, the new taxonomy needed to add Ophthalmic Medical Technicians and several advanced practice nursing occupations: Nurse Anesthetists, Nurse Midwives, and Nurse Practitioners. The category of Therapists now includes Exercise Physiologists. Audiologists, formerly part of Therapists, now is a category in its own right, on a par with Pharmacists and Podiatrists and indicative of its increased level of professionalism. (The doctoral degree has become the standard qualification.) The graying of America is reflected in the addition of Hearing Aid Specialists. Our increased concern with homeland security necessitated adding Transportation Security Screeners.

It’s interesting to contrast the SOC with another occupational taxonomy that was finalized roughly during the time of King Arthur and has not been changed since: the 39 categories of work according to traditional Jewish law. Everybody knows that the Sabbath is supposed to be a day of rest from work. What you may not know is that this prohibition necessitated a definition of what constitutes work. It happens that the same word, melakha (which translates roughly as “workmanship”) is used in the Torah for what God rested from on the seventh day and also for the work that went into the construction, furnishing, and provisioning of the Tabernacle that the Children of Israel created in the wilderness, following the exodus from Egypt. Therefore, Jewish law defined the different kinds of work (the plural, melakhot) by itemizing the tasks that created the Tabernacle. So, for example, the taxonomy includes carrying, igniting a fire, knotting, harvesting, grinding, shearing wool, writing, and building, among other tasks.

As I noted earlier, this taxonomy has not been changed in all these years. But neither has the highest level of categories in the SOC, which consists of 23 groups, such as Management Occupations and Protective Service Occupations. The difference is that the SOC taxonomy specifies lower levels of detail, whereas Jewish law leaves the specifics open to interpretation and therefore does not create a structure that has to be updated in response to changing social conditions and technologies. For example, after the invention of electricity, the category of igniting a fire was interpreted to include using electric power, because electricity is equivalent to a spark or because using it means closing a circuit, which is taken to be a kind of construction or completion. In this example, we can also see the problem that emerges when the taxonomy’s specifics are left open to interpretation, because some progressive scholars of Jewish law reject the equation of electricity with fire and permit its use on the Sabbath.

But let’s set aside these squabbles over interpretation and reconsider the basis of the taxonomy of the 39 melakhot. You may think that the traditional religious attitude toward work is that it’s a curse that was imposed on Adam, and my previous two blogs (about job dissatisfaction) indicated that for many people it is. However, the basis of the 39 melakhot suggests that all work has the potential for holiness. It can serve a purpose greater than just putting bread on the table. I think that many workers are dissatisfied because they feel the work they’re doing lacks a larger purpose. I would advise these workers to think about a job change or a career change that provides that purpose.

To that end, I guess this is as good a place as any to plug one of my books, 150 Best Jobs for a Better World.

Wednesday, June 22, 2011

The Hollywood Model of Employment

In 2011 Career Plan and many other books, I write mostly about careers that people pursue by going to work for someone else. To be sure, freelance or self-employed work is not uncommon in some occupations I describe. When I write about job-hunting, however, I generally write in terms of getting hired. However, some people who write about the future of work suggest that this kind of work arrangement is soon going to fade away. It’s an intriguing theory, but I don’t buy it.

The argument is that the “Hollywood model” will become the new norm. In the days of black-and-white movies, Hollywood studios kept writers, directors, cinematographers, editors, set designers, and other workers--even actors--under contract as full-time employees. But nowadays a movie producer brings together a team of workers with no commitments beyond the project at hand.

Some futurists argue that this will become the model for other industries--all the more likely as we see decreases in noncreative work, such as mass manufacturing, and increases in more creative work, such as research and development. Teams of creative workers will come together for a project and disband when it’s completed.

This new work arrangement is supposed to make the creative industries more competitive. It gives the project manager (in Hollywood, that would be the producer) the ability to put together the most appropriate team for the particular project and gives the talented workers the freedom to choose which projects to work in. This is supposed to increase the creativity of the output, because flexibility in the makeup of the team should avoid a cookie-cutter approach to the creative process. Moreover, this arrangement is supposed to save money, because the organization (in Hollywood, that would be the studio or production company) is not carrying the overhead of a large staff of salaried employees.

This alleged trend toward ad-hoc work arrangements should be encouraged by modern telecommunications technology. Nowadays you don’t even have to be on the same continent as your teammates to collaborate on many types of projects. In addition, traditional notions of loyalty to one’s employer have long since crumbled and no longer present a barrier to a more tentative employment relationship.

In the late 1990s, I had been reading several books that argued that this was the emerging model for work. At the time, I was convinced by this reasoning, and I even drafted an article arguing in favor of this prediction.

But I no longer believe that this change will happen anytime soon. One reason for my skepticism is the passage of time: Almost all of these factors have been present for the past 15 years, yet no paradigm shift has occurred so far.

You, too, may become a skeptic after visiting your local multiplex. Has the Hollywood model really contained movie production costs? And after the umpteenth movie in which an odd couple hits the road, an irresponsible schlubby guy woos a hot gal, or a superhero battles the forces of evil, do you really think Hollywood is more creative now than in the heyday of Louis B. Mayer and the Warner Brothers?

In the current model for the film industry, word of mouth quickly kills off every movie except a few blockbusters. Seeking a blockbuster, then, producers spend megabucks to inject larger-than-life stars or larger-than-life special effects into a predictable concept that has been pre-sold to the public, such as a formulaic plot, a sequel, or a 30-year-old television show. I wonder whether other creative industries can achieve any better results by following the Hollywood model. Software publishing may be the dominant industry of this kind, and almost all the applications on my desktop are only cosmetically improved over what I was running a decade ago. Most of the advances in software have resulted from breakthroughs in hardware platforms.

Here are some important factors that I believe will continue to discourage project-based work arrangements in the near future:
  • Health insurance costs continue to climb, and we’re seeing only slow movement at best away from a system that is employer-based and that can deny you coverage easily when you’re not a full-time worker.

  • Job security has become a much greater concern since the onset of the Great Recession. (This is why the book I’m working on right now is called 150 Best Jobs for a Secure Future.) People realize that we are a long way from recovery of the jobs lost and that few safeguards have been put in place to prevent a repeat of the financial collapse. Because job loss means loss of health insurance, couples increasingly want at least one partner to have steady employment.

  • The trend toward creative work means that an increasing number of companies are engaged constantly in creative projects and do not need to dismiss their workers after one project is finished. Creative workers are needed now more than ever, and so the companies that have identified and used their talents are reluctant to let them scatter to the four winds.

  • Companies that only occasionally need creative workers can sometimes fill these needs by finding full-time employees who work elsewhere but are willing to moonlight. Moonlight income is very welcome these days of stagnant salaries in most industries.

  • The project-based work arrangement requires creative workers to spend part of their work time lining up the next project. Many creative workers find this a drag on their ability to focus on the project at hand.

I am living proof of what I’m describing. After I was downsized in the late 1990s by a company that had only intermittent need of creative workers (at least in my area of expertise), I worked as a consultant for some years, doing project-based assignments. One such assignment, from JIST Publishing, turned into a series of assignments, then a half-time job, and finally a full-time job when JIST discovered that my skills were a good fit for the company’s needs and would be in constant demand. The same modern communications media that allowed me to work for JIST from home on a project-by-project basis enable me to work for JIST from home now as a regular employee.

The Great Recession has made me even more convinced than before that the traditional work arrangement remains preferable to a project-based scheme. I believe that my view is not idiosyncratic but is shared by most workers who theoretically should be able to work in a project-based arrangement.

Wednesday, June 15, 2011

Licensure Affects Health-Care Costs and Earnings

Three years ago I blogged about a study of occupational licensure. (The blog appeared on a site where it has since been taken down, but I have reposted it on this site for your perusal.) The study found that in 2006, 29 percent of the national workforce was licensed by some level of government, a percentage much higher than I expected. The economists also found that licensure provides a pay boost roughly equivalent of that of union membership: about 15 percent. One reason it does this is by limiting occupational entry, thus reducing competition.

Last week I came upon a more recent study (PDF) by two labor economists--Morris M. Kleiner of the University of Minnesota and Kyoung Won Park of Case Western Reserve University--that focuses on just two licensed occupations: dentists and dental hygienists. The research caught my eye partly because of my continuing interest in the effects of licensure and partly because dental hygienists is an occupation that I frequently include in books about highly rewarding occupations, such as Best Jobs for the 21st Century. In the sixth edition, which I just finished writing, it ranks sixth among the best 400 occupations, with average annual income of $68,250, projected growth of 36.1% from 2008-2018, and 9,840 annual job openings projected. To these rewards, add the attractions that one can enter this career with only an associate degree, and it offers many opportunities for part-time work.

But another unusual fact about dental hygienists is that the occupation’s licensing standards in almost all states are set not by its own practitioners, but rather by practitioners of another occupation, dentists. Dental hygienists were created as an occupation that would help dentists by taking over certain routine tasks of patient care, especially cleaning teeth and teaching patients techniques of good preventive dental care.

As the occupation has evolved, some dental hygienists have attempted to increase their autonomy and get out from under the supervision of dentists. So far, this effort has been only partly successful. In 1988, Colorado became the first state that allowed dental hygienists to practice without the direct supervision of a dentist. As of 2007, only seven states allowed dental hygienists to be self-employed other than as independent contractors, and only three of these states allowed them to own a dental hygiene practice. These independent practitioners can do various tasks besides cleaning, such as application of sealants, fluoride treatments, or X-rays, but the particular mix of tasks varies between states. As a result of the legal restrictions in most states, only 0.1 percent of dental hygienists are self-employed, compared to 28.0 percent of dentists.

The economists who researched these two occupations found a good reason for dentists to restrict the autonomy of dental hygienists, entirely apart from the best interests of patients: It turns out that in states where dental hygienists can practice independently, their hourly earnings are approximately 10 percent higher, and those of dentists approximately 16 percent lower, than in other states. In addition, employment growth for dental hygienists is about 6 percent higher where they can practice independently, whereas for dentists it is about 26 percent lower.

One finding with implications for public policy is that allowing dental hygienists to practice independently reduces a state’s dental-care costs by 1 percent. It also broadens employment options for women, because dental hygienists are about 98 percent female, whereas dentists are about 78 percent male. Furthermore (and here I’m just speculating), it may provide additional opportunities for social mobility, because a career as a dental hygienist may appear attainable to young people who come from families that have no history of college completion and who (rightly or wrongly) rule out the goal of becoming a dentist. In other words, the independent practice of dental hygiene may provide an on-ramp to the middle class for some people.

As for dental hygienists, so for nurse practitioners: you will also find great variation in state laws regulating their ability to work independently. In some states, especially Western states with a lot of rural territory where doctors are scarce, nurse practitioners can act as primary-care providers. It would be interesting to see a similar study of how these state-to-state differences correlate with the earnings of nurse practitioners and physicians--and also the impact on health-care costs, which are currently the focus of much political discussion.

Wednesday, June 1, 2011

Prosaic Licenses

Note: This blog originally appeared on another site in 2008, where it has since been taken down.

In a book that I’m presently working on (Your $100,000 Career Plan: Match Your Personality to a Six-Figure Job), I classify a group of occupations under the heading “professional,” and one common characteristic I note among them (they include architects, lawyers, physicians, dentists, and veterinarians, among others) is that they are all licensed. However, it seems that licensure is not as exclusive an occupational characteristic as it once was. One recent study, “The Prevalence and Effects of Occupationhttp://www.blogger.com/img/blank.gifal Licensing,” estimates that 29 percent of the national workforce is licensed by some level of government.

That figure surprised me. Evidently the percentage is so much higher than I expected partly because past estimates have been based solely on state licensure requirements and partly because the number of licensed occupations has grown in recent years. The researchers who conducted this study in 2006, Morris M. Kleiner of the University of Minnesota and the prolific Alan B. Krueger of Princeton, based their finding on a specially designed Gallup survey asking respondents “Does your job require a license by a federal, state, or local government agency?”

It’s important to remember what a license is and is not. Some occupations, such as pet groomer, are open to anyone who wants to offer his or her services. (The results of this free market are evident in the unpredictable appearance of my neighbor’s West Highland White Terrier.) Registration is a requirement that some jurisdictions impose on workers in some other occupations. For example, to keep bees in Rhode Island, you must register with the state. This requirement probably is in place so that the state’s Department of Environmental Management knows where the beehives are and thus is able to conduct inspections for communicable diseases. Certification is usually awarded by a professional organization as recognition that the practitioner has met certain standards, such as a specified level or kind of education, a specified amount of work experience, or a passing score on a test of occupational skills, knowledge, and perhaps professional ethics. By definition, certification usually is not a legal requirement, but in many occupations it is a sign of professionalism. Licensure usually imposes entry requirements similar to those of certification, but it differs in that it is required by law.

In many foreign countries, registration means the same thing as licensure; this meaning survives in our term “registered nurses,” who actually are licensed. In some foreign countries where all professional workers are educated at state-run universities, there is no distinction between licensure and certification in these occupations because professional status is awarded by the universities.

So what is the benefit of licensure that has caused it to become so widespread? Occupational licensure began as a way to ensure the competence of workers who make life-and-death decisions—for example, doctors. For many years, it has been extended to other occupations that might have great impact on people’s lives and well-being, such as structural engineers and lawyers. But the function of licensure has slowly changed, largely because of the nature of the people who control it. Licensure is enforced by government, but inevitably the people who set the standards of professionalism, who specify the contents of the licensing exam, and who determine the wording of the code of ethics are the practitioners. And, for the most part, these are the same people who have encouraged licensure in fields where previously it did not exist. In most fields, practitioners have a vested interest in minimizing competition, so licensure benefits them—but not necessarily the public—by creating a barrier to occupational entry. Kleiner and Krueger found that licensure provides a pay boost roughly equivalent of that of union membership: about 15 percent.

In Maine, for example, you need a license to dig for marine worms. The state imposed this license not because careless worm-digging could endanger anyone’s life, but rather to protect Maine’s worm-diggers from having to share their beaches with out-of-state diggers.

I’m not a market fundamentalist, and recent events in the financial sector have underscored the important role government needs to play in the economy. I wouldn’t want to be operated on by a doctor who lacked a physician’s license. However, I’m not sure that the expansion of licensure is always a good thing.

A Graphic Look at Secure and Insecure Industries

Right now I’m working on a book called 150 Best Jobs for a Secure Future, which is intended to take the place of 150 Best Recession-Proof Jobs. I received a lot of media coverage, including face time on several TV networks, when Recession-Proof came out, thanks to the efforts of JIST’s crackerjack publicist, Selena Dehne, and also because the book came out just as the recession was taking its heaviest toll and the subject of the book thus had newsworthiness.

Now that I’m working on a similar concept, I’m trying to benefit from hindsight. Did all 150 occupations included in the book weather the recession with no layoffs? Of course not. In fact, almost every occupation you can think of has a certain number of layoffs and dismissals, even in good times. Think of layoffs as like body temperature: There’s a certain rate, like our normal 98.6 degrees, that can be considered healthy. A better question to ask is whether some of the occupations in the earlier book experienced a considerable uptick in layoffs, a feverish recessionary level. Sadly, some did, but that’s not surprising. The Great Recession was ever so much worse than any we have experienced since the 1930s, and some occupations that are barely affected by normal recessions did experience a higher level of job loss.

One lesson that I learned from the previous book is that in considerations of job security, it is helpful to think not only in terms of occupations but also in terms of industries. Some industries are much less sensitive to the ups and downs of the economy than others. That’s something I stated in the earlier book, but this time I’m constructing the lists of best jobs based on industry-specific data for occupations. So, for example, a given occupation may appear as tenth on the list of best jobs in educational services but as twenty-second (or maybe not at all) on the list of best jobs in government.

I’ve used several lines of research for selecting the most secure industries, but perhaps the most dramatic is the graphic that appears below. (This ties in nicely with my blog of two weeks ago, in which I discussed the importance of graphicacy--skill with using and understanding visual representations.)

Layoff and Discharge Rates (Percent) in Selected Industries

Source: JOLTS database, BLS
I created this graph from data I downloaded from the Department of Labor’s Job Openings and Labor Turnover Survey (JOLTS). It shows the average annual percentage rate of layoffs and discharges in several major industries over the previous decade. The first thing you should notice is the bold black line, which represents all private-sector industries. You’ll note that over the course of the last decade, it starts out flat (at around 1.7%), coasts down along a very slight mid-decade dip, trends upward beginning in 2007, hits a peak in 2009, and then slopes downward, reaching about the lowest point of the previous decade. The impact of the Great Recession is obvious, and this is the line against which you should compare the other lines in the chart.

Now let’s focus on the lowest and flattest lines on the chart. The star performer here is the bold robin’s-egg blue line that represents education and health care, which maintains a steady rate of between 8.0% and 9.0% over the course of the decade. You can barely see the recessionary uptick that appears along almost all the other lines. You can be sure I’m going to include this industry (actually, the two smaller industries it subsumes) in the book I’m working on now.

Government, the pink line, is another interesting industry to observe. It begins the decade with the lowest rate of all, 0.5%, and maintains the lowest rate until the very end of the decade. Note that it actually slopes downwards slightly from 2007 to 2008, when almost every other industry is beginning to see increased layoffs. It parallels the other industries in sloping upward after 2008, but it is unique in that it continues this upward slope even after the private-sector industries start seeing diminished layoffs. It’s not hard to understand why you’re seeing increasing government layoffs here: reduced tax revenues and politicians who have experienced an overnight conversion to deficit hawkishness. Nevertheless, I’m going to include government as one of the industries in the new book, because there are several kinds of government workers (such as in law enforcement) that are essential and will not be dismissed unless we are prepared to model our country after Somalia.

Note also the green line that partially overlaps with the robins’-egg blue education and health care line. This is finance and insurance. You’ll observe that it’s a little more volatile than education and health care, but it still shows fewer perturbations than most of the other industries and overall maintains one of the lowest rates of layoffs and discharges.

The most sensitive industry on this chart, with the widest swings and a very high layoff rate to begin with, is construction, the red line. But the one that particularly fascinates me is the yellow line for arts, entertainment, and recreation, which keeps changing places with construction as the industry with the highest layoff rate. This industry is the most countercyclical of all those shown here, actually doing better as the recession sets in. I’m not going to include either of these two industries in the book.